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Writing / Full Essay / English

The Private Building and the Public City

Density, Development and Urban Generosity in Toronto

What does private development owe the city?

Working on large developments in Toronto changed the scale at which I understood architecture. Earlier in my career, I tended to think about the relationship between private architecture and public life through the building: the entrance, lobby, atrium, podium and street edge. Master planning changed that.

At the scale of a large development, architectural decisions that appear small on a drawing can become urban decisions. A setback changes the width of a sidewalk. Moving a building changes the shape of a park. A loading route can interrupt a pedestrian connection. A servicing requirement can determine whether a frontage becomes active or defensive.

A few metres removed from one side of a block may reduce development area, but those same metres may create sunlight, planting, weather protection or room for public life. This is where I began to understand urban generosity not simply as a quality of architecture, but as a negotiation between private development and the public city.

Toronto’s public city is increasingly shaped through private development. The architectural question is therefore not whether development is private. The question is what urban obligations and possibilities follow from building at this scale.

From building to block

My first essay, When the Mall Became the Street, asked whether private architecture could participate in public life. My second essay, From the Inside Out, asked whether an inward-facing building could remain urban. This essay asks a larger question: what does a large private development owe the city?

At the scale of the block, generosity is no longer only about a lobby, atrium or entrance. It becomes a question of routes, frontages, sunlight, landscape, servicing, phasing and the relationship between separate parcels. A building can be generous and still sit within a fragmented block. A development can contain a beautiful courtyard and still fail to connect to the street. The block is where architecture begins to become urban design.

The price of three metres

Three metres can appear insignificant at the scale of a master plan. But I have learned that the important question is not simply whether a building is set back three metres. It is why those three metres are there.

On one street they may be needed for trees, weather protection or a wider pedestrian zone. Beside residential uses they may provide privacy. Along another frontage, bringing the building closer to the street may actually reinforce the urban character we are trying to create.

This became particularly clear to me while working on master plan studies in Toronto. We compared setback strategies across East Harbour, Christie Cookies, West Don Lands, Quayside and Regent Park while studying the Wilson District at Downsview. The lesson was not that Toronto has one ideal setback. The opposite was more useful: different streets ask different things from buildings.

A setback also has a cost. Removing depth from a floorplate may mean recovering area somewhere else in the development. The building may become taller, wider elsewhere, or differently distributed across the block. This is why public-realm decisions cannot be separated from density.

Urban generosity is not simply giving space away. It is understanding which metres matter.

Not every generous space is large

There is another lesson I have learned from master planning: more space is not always better.

While working on East Harbour, I looked at East Bayfront as a precedent and became interested in a pedestrian-only mid-block passage approximately nine metres wide. What interested me was the compression. The space did not need to behave like a plaza. Its purpose was connection.

That distinction matters. A narrow passage lined by active commercial uses can create intensity, movement and visual focus. The same dimension beside residential uses may create privacy problems. A large setback may allow trees and seating, while another may simply push architecture away from the street.

Urban generosity therefore cannot be measured only in square metres. Sometimes generosity is width. Sometimes it is connection. Sometimes it is shelter. Sometimes it is simply allowing the city to pass through the block.

The mall becomes the city

There is a reversal between my experience in Caracas and my work in Toronto. In Caracas, I studied the mall as a private space that had absorbed some functions of the city. In Toronto, I have worked on projects where the opposite movement occurs: the mall is being asked to become part of the city.

I find this reversal particularly interesting because it connects directly back to the questions I was asking in Caracas. At Sherway Gardens, the existing shopping centre is one component within an emerging urban structure of public roads, housing, parkland, publicly accessible open space and connections across the site. The architectural problem changes. It is no longer only how to make collective life possible inside a large private building. It is increasingly about how to transform a private destination into a connected piece of city.

At Fairview Mall, the same condition appears differently. Buildings, pedestrian movement, passenger pick-up and drop-off, loading, landscaping and publicly accessible open space have to coexist. The question is not only where the towers go. It is how people move between the street, transit, the mall, new development and the surrounding neighbourhood.

In Caracas, the direction was often from city to mall. In Toronto, the direction is increasingly from mall to city.

Urban generosity is hardest in plan

Urban generosity is easiest to promise in a rendering and hardest to defend in plan.

Working on East Harbour made this particularly clear to me. A master plan may begin with streets, parks, blocks and buildings, but eventually every one of those diagrams has to accommodate the infrastructure that makes the district function.

Loading has to happen somewhere. Garbage has to leave the building. Residential move-ins require access. Ramps reach underground levels. Utilities cross sites. Foundations and infrastructure occupy space that, on an urban-design diagram, can appear completely available. My work on East Harbour has included studying these conditions, including loading at grade and below grade and the relationship between future development and major infrastructure and easement conditions.

This changed the way I understand public realm. The difficult part is not drawing the plaza. It is protecting the plaza when everything else arrives.

The public city in section

In Toronto, public connectivity cannot always be understood from the site plan alone. At major transit sites, the city exists simultaneously at street, concourse and subway levels.

At Yonge and Bloor, the public realm is layered vertically. The street meets the ground floor. The ground floor connects to retail, residential and office lobbies. Below that, concourses, interstitial passages, PATH connections and TTC subway lines form another network of movement.

The public city is not always outside. Sometimes it is sectional. A development may not give a large plaza to the street, but it may create a protected passage or a concourse that allows people to continue moving through the city in winter. The question is whether the building allows the city to continue through it.

The space between buildings

I have increasingly looked outside my own projects for precedents where this negotiation becomes visible.

Quayside is useful because permeability is treated as part of the public-realm structure. Its Community Forest, pedestrian connections and portals demonstrate how circulation through private development can become part of a larger network rather than simply access to individual buildings. The project’s evolution also shows that porosity is negotiated against retail, enclosure and year-round use.

The Well offers another version of the idea. Its urban design framework gives considerable importance to pedestrian pathways and the spaces between buildings, connecting internal routes back into the surrounding street network.

These precedents reinforced something I was beginning to understand through my own work: sometimes the most important architecture in a large development is the space that is not a building.

The interstitial city

Caracas probably made me attentive to these spaces earlier than I realized. Thresholds, passages, setbacks, spaces between formal programmes and pieces of city that do not belong entirely to one condition or another have appeared throughout these essays. Research by Teresa García Alcaraz has examined the political and collective possibilities of interstitial spaces in Caracas, describing them as conditions shaped by competing interests and capable of contributing to collective urban identity (García Alcaraz, 2024).

Toronto formalizes many of these spaces differently. They become POPS, easements, setbacks, mid-block connections, courtyards and publicly accessible interior routes. One city taught me to notice the in-between. The other taught me how deliberately it has to be designed, negotiated and protected.

Designing what we do not know yet

Master planning has also made me more comfortable with uncertainty.

A building is designed toward a relatively specific outcome. A master plan may take years or decades to complete. Future architects will change the buildings. Programs will move. Market conditions will change. Infrastructure will evolve.

This has made flexibility part of the urban question for me. While working on Downsview, I became interested in how a framework can protect essential relationships such as setbacks, building separation, mid-block connections and development rights without unnecessarily fixing every future building.

A good master plan should be specific about what matters and flexible about what does not. The street matters. The park matters. The connection matters. Sunlight and comfort matter. The exact architecture may still change.

Density is not the enemy

The problem is not density itself. The question is the urban structure through which density reaches the ground. Density can overwhelm the public realm when it produces towers without usable streets, sunlight or connections. But density can also support transit, retail, parks and the intensity of use that makes public space meaningful.

Toronto’s debate around density extends well beyond architects and planners. Architecture critic Alex Bozikovic has positioned intensification within broader social, environmental and urban questions. I agree that density matters, but for me the architectural question begins one step later: what kind of city does that density produce when it reaches the ground?

My position is simple: density is necessary, but it is not enough.

Urban generosity 2.0

In From the Inside Out, I defined urban generosity at the scale of the building through porosity, visibility, shelter, freedom of movement, threshold, invitation and non-commercial occupation. Working at larger scales has expanded that idea.

At the scale of the room: can I occupy it? At the scale of the building: can I enter it, see through it, shelter within it or pass through it? At the scale of the block: can I choose different routes, and are the setbacks and public edges genuinely usable? At the scale of the district: do streets connect, do parks form a system, does transit organize density, and can individual parcels evolve without breaking the whole?

Urban generosity grows with scale. It begins with a room, becomes a building, extends through a block, forms a district and eventually contributes to the city.

Conclusion

I no longer think urban generosity can be measured by how much space a private development appears to give away.

A large plaza can be empty. A narrow passage can become an important connection. Three metres can create a meaningful pedestrian zone or simply push a building away from the street. A tower can add density without adding urban life. Loading can disappear below grade and improve the street, but infrastructure that is ignored early can compromise development later.

Working across these projects in Toronto has made architecture much less isolated for me. I increasingly see the building as one participant in a larger system of streets, parks, transit, infrastructure, landscape, servicing, policy, development economics and everyday movement.

The difficult part is deciding where each one gives way to the other.

Private development inevitably builds private assets. But when projects occupy entire blocks, introduce streets, connect transit, create parks or rebuild large pieces of the city, their consequences cannot remain private.

Architecture does not stop at the property line.

For me, that is ultimately what urban generosity means: not giving the city whatever space remains after the building has been solved, but allowing the needs of the city to participate in the architecture from the beginning.

References / Referencias

City of Toronto. (2017). Privately Owned Publicly-Accessible Spaces (POPS): Design Guidelines.

García Alcaraz, T. (2024). The prospect of “interstitial practice” in the in-between spaces of Caracas. City, Territory and Architecture, 11(1).

The Globe and Mail. Alex Bozikovic: Author profile.

City of Toronto / Waterfront Toronto planning and urban design materials referenced in the author’s professional precedent research: East Harbour, Quayside, Regent Park, West Don Lands, Christie Cookies and related Toronto master plans.